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Liberté, égalité, fraternité , French for "Liberty, equality, fraternity (brotherhood)", is the national motto of France, and is a typical example of a tripartite motto. Although it finds its origins in the French Revolution, it was then only one motto among others and was not really institutionalized until the Third Republic at the end of the 19th century. Debates concerning the compatibility and order of the three terms began as soon as the French Revolution.

Origins during the French Revolution

In 1839, Pierre Leroux attributed the creation of the motto to the French Revolution, claiming it had been an anonymous and popular creation, and upholding the necessary conjunction of the three terms, Liberté , Egalité and Fraternité . The historian Mona Ozouf underlines that, although Liberté and Egalité were associated together during the 18th century, Fraternité wasn't included in it, and other terms, such as Amitié (Friendship), Charité (Charity) or Union were often added to them. The tripartite motto was neither a creative collection, nor really institutionalized by the French Revolution. As soon as 1789, other terms were used, such as " la Nation, la Loi, le Roi " (The Nation, The Law, The King), or " Union, Force, Vertu " (Union, Strength, Virtue), a slogan used beforehand by masonic lodges, or " Force, Egalité, Justice " (Strength, Equality, Justice), " Liberté, Sûreté, Propriété " (Liberty, Security, Property), etc. In other words, Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité was only one slogan among many others. During the Jacobin revolutionary period itself, various mottos were used, such as Liberté, Unité, Egalité ; Liberté, Egalité, Justice ; Liberté, Raison, Egalité (Liberty, Reason, Equality), etc. The only solid association was that of Liberté and Egalité , Fraternité being ignored by the Cahiers de doléances as well as by the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. It was only alluded to in the 1791 Constitution, as well as in Robespierre's draft Declaration of 1793, placed under the invocation of (in that order) Egalité , Liberté , Sûreté and Propriété (Equality, Liberty, Safety, Property), as the possibility of a universal extension of the Declaration of Rights: "Man of all countries are brothers, him who oppress one nation declares itself enemy of all." Finally, it did not figure in the August 1793 Declaration.

The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 defined Liberty in Article 4 as follow:

"Liberty consists of being able to do anything that does not harm others: thus, the exercise of the natural rights of every man or woman has no bounds other than those that guarantee other members of society the enjoyment of these same rights."

Equality, on the other hand, was defined by the 1789 Declaration as judicial equality (art. 6):

The law "must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in its eyes, shall be equally eligible to all high offices, public positions and employments, according to their ability, and without other distinction than that of their virtues and talents."

Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité actually finds its origins in a May 1791 proposition by the Club des Cordeliers , following a speech on the Army by the marquis de Guichardin. A British marine held prisoner on the French ship Le Marat in 1794 wrote home in letters published in 1796

The republican spirit is inculcated not in songs only, for in every part of the ship I find emblems purposely displayed to awaken it. All the orders relating to the discipline of the crew are hung up, and prefaced by the words Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité, ou la Mort , written in capital letters.

The compatibility of Liberté and Egalité was not doubted about in the first days of the Revolution, and the problem of the antecedence of one term on the other not lifted. Thus, the abbé Sieyes considered that only liberty insured equality, unless the latter was to be the equality of all dominated by a despot; while liberty followed equality insured by rule of law. The abstract generality of law (theorized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in the Social Contract ) thus insured the identification of liberty to equality, liberty being negatively defined as an independence from arbitrary rule, and equality considered abstractly in its judicial form.

This identification of liberty and equality became problematic during the Jacobin period, when equality was redefined (for instance by Babeuf) as equality of results, and not only judicial equality of rights. Thus, Baudot considered that French temperament inclined rather to equality than liberty, a theme which would be re-used by Roederer and Alexis de Tocqueville, while Necker considered that an equal society could only be found on coercion.

The third term, Fraternité , was the most problematic to insert in the triad, as it belonged to another sphere, that of moral obligations rather than rights, links rather than statutes, harmony rather than contract, and community rather than individuality. Various interpretations of Fraternité existed. The first one, according to Mona Ozouf, was one of " fraternité de rébellion " (Fraternity of Rebellion), that is the union of the deputies in the Jeu de Paume Oath of June 1789, refusing the dissolution ordered by the King Louis XVI: "We swear never to separate ourselves from the National Assembly, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution of the realm is drawn up and fixed upon solid foundations." Fraternity was thus issued from Liberty and oriented by a common cause.

Another form of Fraternité was that of the patriotic Church, which identified social link with religious link and based fraternity on Christian brotherhood. In this second sense, Fraternité preceded both Liberté and Egalité , instead of following them as in the first sense. Thus, two senses of Fraternity: "one, that followed liberty and equality, was the object of a free pact; the other preceded liberty and equality as the mark on its work of the divine craftsman." (Ozouf)

Another hesitation concerning the compatibility of the three terms arose from the opposition between liberty and equality as individualistic values, and fraternity as the realization of a happy community, devoided of any conflicts and opposed to any form of egoism. This fusional interpretation of Fraternity opposed it to the project of individual autonomy and manifested the precedence of Fraternity on individual will. In this sense, it was sometimes associated with Death, as in Fraternité, ou la Mort! (Fraternity or Death!), excluding Liberty and even Equality, by establishing a strong dichotomy between those who were brothers and those who were not (in the sense of "you are with me or against me", brother or foe). Louis de Saint-Just thus stigmatized Anarchasis Cloots' cosmopolitanism, declaring "Cloots liked the universe, except France."

With Thermidor and the execution of Robespierre, Fraternité disappeared from the slogan, reduced to the two terms of Liberty and Equality, re-defined again as simple judicial equality and not as real equality upheld by the sentiment of fraternity. The First Consul (Napoleon Bonaparte) then established the motto Liberté, Ordre public (Liberty, Public Order).

19th century

Following Napoleon's rule, the triptych dissolved itself, as none believed possible to conciliate individual liberty and equality of rights with equality of results and fraternity. The idea of individual sovereignty and of natural rights possessed by man before being united in the collectivity contradicted the possibility of establishing a transparent and fraternal community. Liberals accepted liberty and equality, defining the latter as equality of rights and ignoring fraternity. Early Socialists rejected an independent conception of liberty, opposed to the social, and also despised equality, as they considered, as Fourier, that one had only to orchestrate individual discordances, to harmonize them, or they believed, as Saint-Simon, that equality contradicted equity by a brutal levelling of individualities. Utopian Socialism thus only cared about Fraternity, which was, in Cabet's Icarie the sole commandment.

This opposition between liberals and socialists was mirrored in rival historical interpretations of the Revolution, liberals admiring 1789, and Socialists 1793. The July Revolution of 1830, establishing a constitutional monarchy headed by Louis-Philippe, substituted Ordre et Liberté (Order and Liberty) to the Napoleonic motto Liberté, Ordre public . Despite this apparent disappearance of the triptych, the latter was still being thought in some underground circles, in Republican secret societies, masonic lodges such as the "Indivisible Trinity," far-left booklets or during the Canuts Revolt in Lyon. In 1834, the lawyer of the Société des droits de l'homme (Society of Human Rights), Dupont, a liberal sitting in the far-left during the July Monarchy, asso

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